Otherwise, they could interfere with the sound system. Net Politics. One is obviously the financial crisis. As some of us know all too well, divorces can be messy, they can be smooth. But the idea was to try to overcome the legacy of terrible warfare by creating an ever-closer union, which could take different forms, but the idea was that pooling of resources and eventually even pooling of political institutions into a coherent whole. I know that Jaroslaw will say more on public opinion. It abandoned the idea of a European Constitution. We shouldn’t forget the single market has persevered throughout this crisis. Learn more about the EU in this article. But unfortunately, what I had mentioned before, there are many other political options, voices. And I think that you see—all across the continent, you see people playing to populist forces to try to coopt some of those forces in an electoral sense. MEAD: Well, we’re about to have some huge and colossal and classy suggestions, I’m sure. And still I think that EU is very much concerned how to encourage mobility of Europeans. CWIEK-KARPOWICZ: Sure, sure. PATRICK: Yeah. Thank you very much for that very helpful opening historical survey. So please do that. President Biden pledges a new approach as pressures mount along the boundary. In the early 1920s a range of internationals were founded (or re-founded) to help like-minded political parties to coordinate their activities. So I would not place it in the same category. This is part of our Campus Spotlight on Europa-Universität Viadrina. So both scenarios—U.K. MEAD: OK, thank you. Europe – Politics and government. This theme created a confusion between nationalism and the idea of the nation, between nationalism and state sovereignty. in or out of the European Union—are quite risky for European Union. The Wiky Legal Encyclopedia covers legislation, case law, regulations and doctrine in the United States, Europe, Asia, South America, Africa, UK, Australia and around the … A question asks for information rather than imparting it. Because I think what Barbara’s telling us is that progress is going to be difficult and slow, and this is—this is no break with European history. And that’s why we cannot exclude the political challenge in this country, and then a completely different role of Germany in the EU. The European Union (EU) is a unification of 28 member states (including the United Kingdom) united to create a political and economic community throughout Europe. And it seems to me that the structural nature of the crisis derives from politics. And I think there the EU now has to deliver and say we can make together a difference or, if we can’t do it with 28, then we must have different groupings of countries that do the job. MEAD: All right. (Applause. And I think that what you’ve seen is less vigorous leadership on the part of France in more recent years. by Amelia Cheatham, Claire Felter and Zachary Laub And when we analyze some European member states and then societies there, we might say that definitely Central Europeans are much more positive about European Union, and they still perceived EU as the only way not only to create its own foreign policy, but also to have prospects for better economic development, and also for its own security. Thank you, Madam Hauser, for hosting here. However, non-alignment, which became increasingly difficult to implement as the Cold War intensified, was soon defended only by the pacifist and internationalist movements. State and Local Conference Calls and Webinars, C. Peter McColough Series on International Economics. Here's What the United States Should Do To Respond, Blog Post And I remember a dinner with Helmut Kohl where they were just giving up the deutschemark for the euro. First of all, I would say that, starting with the sovereign debt crisis, which then escalated into the crisis around Greece, for the first time it was put on the table to kick out a member state, so the Grexit problem. If so, what is it? And this continued over decades, this kind of tension. Very often, many national governments try to underline that we serve our national interests—we are against superficial, artificial European, you know, demands or values. MEAD: Jaroslaw, how much patience do you see in public opinion? I mean, after crisis 2008 and ’(0)9, when definitely many Europeans had some doubt about common currency, since 2013 we observe a positive trend, and more and more countries and citizens believe in the euro currency, especially those who adopted euro currency quite recently. And we now see that this might also have reached its limits to use differentiation as a means for more deepening. So you must have a Commission you can trust that looks for, let’s say, what is our common interest, and not only the interest of a few. (Laughter.) State and Local Conference Calls and Webinars, C. Peter McColough Series on International Economics With Kristalina Georgieva, Virtual Event Jaroslaw Cwiek-Karpowicz, Head of Research Office at the Polish Institute of International Affairs; Barbara Lippert, Director of Research at Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik; and Stewart M. Patrick, Senior Fellow and Director of the International Institutions and Global Governance Program at the Council on Foreign Relations join Walter Russell Mead of Bard College to discuss the nature of the European Union: it’s creation, institutional effectiveness, approach to past crises, and outlook over the next couple of decades. IDEA is an advisory service that provides innovative ideas and a unique space for research and collaboration on core Commission priorities. A question is concise. The C. Peter McColough Series on International Economics brings the world's foremost economic policymakers and scholars to address members on current topics in international economics and U.S. monetary policy. And that was, of course, the introduction of the euro. What Germany has to learn is playing the geopolitical game. And there’s no doubt that this security integration, what Barbara said, it was very problematic from the very beginning, OK, in the ’50s, and nowadays as well. March 31, 2021, China's Huawei Is Winning the 5G Race. From one side we may say that Europeans often vote against European Union. Thank you, Walter. So you have huge, huge debates there. There’s obviously the question of Brexit. There was never one single European idea, but obviously, in the aftermath of the Second World War and the tremendous carnage created there, there was an effort to try to—and largely, it had discredited nationalism and the nation-state—with the important exception, I might add, of the United Kingdom. It’s important to note that this vision which inspired many of the early moves towards European integration—institutions like the Council of Europe or the European Coal and Steel Community, which began the entire process of European integration—was from the beginning and remains largely an elite-driven phenomenon. So that’s why I think that there is some kind of excuse that, OK, EU is not so much effective in terms of its external foreign and defense policy, but EU as member states, almost all these countries are in NATO. We’ve talked about the migrant crisis in terms of external refugees. One of the examples is energy policy, where Poland and many Central European countries are very much interested in creating a common energy market. And there are many other examples when, in terms of rhetoric, Central European countries seem to be anti-European. (Laughs.) The “European Idea:” Historical Contexts, Debates, and Mental Maps on Europe as a Concept. But in reality, they want further integration. And differentiation, opt-outs, started there. This is true for both cases, refugee crisis and eurozone crisis. But whenever things that impact directly on national electorates is concerned, then consensus becomes harder. CWIEK-KARPOWICZ: Well, I think, indeed, that the Brexit, deciphering what hurts is extremely difficult and hard for European Union because, according to EU Treaty, there is no partial disintegration. And this is something I wanted to underline; that we are talking about crisis, we are talking about different speed of integration, but definitely for Central Europe, the European Union and economic integration is an element of its own security. So it’s not as if the United States escapes any blame for helping create the situation that is washing up on your shores. European law is … LIPPERT: I agree with Stewart as far as the priorities are concerned when you look at policy fields. With respect to some of the problems that have been caused, I think that one could make—lead a chain of events in terms of U.S. policies towards the war in Syria and inaction at times in an attempt to sort of quarantine the problem and contain the problem on the borders of Syria, leading eventually to the eruption of the migration crisis headed into Europe. And the question is, where, then—you either have the choice of re-nationalization, and including throwing up borders, which of course was the response of many European nations, or you have more Brussels or more centralization. The ideal of European economic unification was a way to pursue national ambitions, but stripped of toxic notions of Teutonic pre-eminence. The ideal of European unity, which had already been popularised by certain elite circles during the inter-war period, spread rapidly just after the Second World War. And just as an example, Baltic States, countries which I mentioned before, which are very much favorable towards for the economic integration. I’m in the religion business. And I think that the very enlargement of the European Union, which has always had this debate between how much deepening—in other words, how much more authority and how much more you get involved in giving vertical authority to European-wide structures—versus enlargement, how much do you expand the frontiers. I do not subscribe to the interpretation that the European Union or European communities have always come out stronger of the crisis than before. Both these books1 are the results of conferences at which the European idea was discussed. This course is a seminar for the bachelor program “Cultural studies” of the Europe-University Viadrina. It would be the status quite similar to Russia, OK? State your name and your affiliation. Or are these really problems of application and practical issues that we’re looking at? And now we see, with the—with the refugee crisis, but also when you look at the economic situation in many of the member states—with low growth, with huge unemployment, in particular when you look at younger people—that they expect more from the European Union. The ideal of European unity, which had already been popularised by certain elite circles during the inter-war period, spread rapidly just after the Second World War. It overlapped not only when you look at the timing, but also when you look, for example, as one of the countries most hit by the refugee crisis, which is Greece, again. Proof The European Union Was Hitler’s Idea. I also want to thank Rita Hauser in particular for all of—her sponsorship of this event over the years. And then you have all the problems, again, in looking for the consensus of the 28. So I think it is, to some extent, still the problem of output legitimacy. But production challenges, vaccine nationalism, and new virus strains are all presenting hurdles. I’ll say that much. PATRICK: Yeah, very quickly, I think, in addition to Helmut Kohl, of course, Francois Mitterrand played a very strong role at that time too. While some favoured a federation led by a federal authority — or even a European government — others preferred a simple association of sovereign States. Or, to put it another way, the EU has been a feeding trough for plutocrats and the worst kind of cronies to ever besmirch the good name of crony capitalism.It’s a contentious issue, and while of course there are good and bad things about the union, it’s a dead duck. And I very much refer to this triangular sort of leadership formation, for which Germany needs also the U.K., given the tensions between Paris and Berlin on many—in many policy areas. MEAD: Well, in just a couple of minutes we are going to open the conversation to the members. MEAD: Does the EU need an enemy? Inside the European Union, we still have the terrible problems resulting from the economic crisis that have really not been resolved almost a decade later. It’s not the case of post-Soviet countries, where we have completely different situation, but this is the case of Central Europe and Balkan states. And I think even in Britain, the exits deal that Britain struck suggests that the European Union remained in a fairly strong bargaining position, and a country as large as Britain brought up a fairly slim deal that others may not be likely to follow. And I think that, therefore, it’s always going to be bad in dealing with a lot of crises that touch directly on the lives of the citizens in those countries, whether it’s in response to terrorism or whether it’s, you know, large waves of immigrants who you weren’t expecting coming into your country. Is this now the moment for a spill back? The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Chinese President Xi Jinping’s signature foreign policy undertaking and the world’s largest infrastructure program, poses a significant challenge to U.S. economic, political, climate change, security, and global health interests. by Claire Felter MEAD: Well, a bit of an upbeat assessment. My speculation is that the European idea will move away from Jean Monnet’s notion of a supranational Europe and an ever-closer union, and regardless of what the Brits decide in their referendum in June, that we’re head towards more a multi-speed Europe—more of a Europe des Patries, in the vision of Charles de Gaulle—which has always been the opposite pole in thinking about what the European idea is. And I think we have the third panel on the different—on a different Europe, where all these options, which are on the table again and which are maybe not only academic debates about scaling down, for example, the European—. There needs to be a way to make sure that there’s some sort of bargain amongst the different members of the EU to actually apportion the burden of those that are eligible for refugee status throughout the European Union, which is something that—it really—it’s quite ridiculous. Both projects are halfway houses. The fact that it’s expanding now to 28 nations means that you’ve increased the cultural and political diversity as well. And one of the element(s) was that some social benefits from migrants from European Union who works in the U.K. should be limited. LIPPERT: So thank you, Chair. So, also, the U.K. would be excluded from the single market, OK? 5. And you might—and it’s interesting. So we again, I think, face a lot of sovereignty clashes and challenges. I think that what you describe is quite correct, that Germany is now propelled in some sort of leadership role. Thank you, Council on Foreign Relations, for invitation. And this is something which European Union is trying to differentiate, migration problems and mobility. So I think it’s a—it’s a—it could be very difficult for U.K., for European Union to adapt to this new situation. I think that there’s no doubt there has been a lot of cushion in the system to allow this union to be buffeted by this constellation of crisis and, you know, still stand like a Weeble, so it’ll bounce back up again. And so you don’t have the Franco-German axis and you don’t have the triangular relationship either, particularly with a prime minister in Britain who has emboldened, perhaps more than he realized he was going to, some Euro-skeptic forces within his own country. The history of the European idea, obviously, goes back centuries, if not perhaps even millennia, but has been particularly gripping and compelling to Europeans since the … Obviously, she had her own—the burdens of German history there, too. The council is made up of the Union’s 27 heads of state, plus a president. ‘European integration studies’ collection, ‘Oral history of European integration’ collection, Historical events in the European integration process (1945–2014), Europe in ruins in the aftermath of the Second World War, The Marshall Plan and the establishment of the OEEC, 1950–1954 The formation of the community of Europe, 1955–1957 The European revival and the Rome Treaties, 1969–1979 Completion, deepening and widening, 1980–1986 Enlargement to the south and the Single European Act, 1987–1997 The European Union in a Europe in the throes of change, 2010-2014 European integration in a time of global challenges. And I think that, in the past, if we look at lessons from the past, we could see that the supranational institutions played a very important role. In order to avoid the world being divided into two antagonistic blocs and to prevent the inevitably ensuing war, it seemed essential to establish a third European pole. 1.7k. Jaroslaw mentioned, and I think Barbara also to some extent, that the Eastern Europeans have actually been more committed to the EU as an institution than the West. LIPPERT: Well, when you look at the history of European Union, you’re right. And they are, let’s say, the best EU members in this regard and the best partners for European Commission—sometimes against France or Germany or U.K., which would like to create its own energy policy and have some special relations with Russia, OK? Being organised more efficiently, they could now bring pressure to bear on national governments. And obviously during the Cold War it was seen as—which is obviously related to the U.S. posture towards the Soviet Union, as well as the European—was a major driving force there. Europe is a regional economy with national politics, and it means it’s very, very good at creating a market but it’s very, very bad at tackling collectively anything that is directly salient to national electorates. And this is something what I observe now among Central European countries. Betsey Stevenson, professor of public policy and economics at University of Michigan, leads a conversation on the new U.S. stimulus bill and how it will shape U.S. economic competitiveness. Let me just ask the three of you, before we open this to the panel, to tell us briefly what you think the top priority of the European Union, or of Europe, needs to be at this moment among this multitudinous array of problems. And let’s begin here. The European idea, a 5000 years old concept according to the Bell Beaker culture. Nationalism – Europe. Please remember to completely turn off your cellphones, BlackBerrys, and other devices. European Union (EU), international organization comprising 27 European countries and governing common economic, social, and security policies. PATRICK: Christopher, I think you make an excellent point. European citizenship through the Treaty of the European Union, which aimed at creating a closer Union among the peoples of Europe. So this is one of the major problems. I think in the past what we’ve seen are that the European Union has tended to confront a number of crises over the course of its history. Edward Heath described the book upon publication as ‘Preposterous… A hideous distortion of both past and present’. ISIS? So this is my thought from the beginning. Today, however, European unification is no longer considered to be a step forward, nor for many people even a real necessity. Second is that, in contrast to the days of Monnet, where compromises could be found behind closed doors, we now have, I think, a very strong involvement of the public sphere. We have a microphone coming. It was the element of a U.K. decision to stay in the European Union. – (Woodrow Wilson Center series) Includes bibliographical references and index. But I think that profits are so huge for public opinion, and citizens really want to continue this trend, that probably, despite the immigration crisis, EU would follow this path and would encourage Europeans to be much more flexible, mobile, and create many advantages for them for looking for jobs in different EU states. While reconstruction was an immediate priority in the post-war period, many people advocated the creation of an autonomous European entity. One of them would be towards more Brussels and more centralization in a way, and the other would be to move more in an intergovernmental direction. Many international congresses were also organised in order to bring this idea to fruition. In 2015, 5.1 million children were born in the EU-28 corresponding to a birth rate of 10 per 1,000, which is 8 births below the world average. Economical trade, migrations of people, or a transfer of ideas from one community to the next? And of whom? But what Barbara said about Central European perspective I think is very important to underline because now, among 28 members, almost half of them, they are Central European countries. So some now see the European Union as more part of the problem than as a solver of these problem(s). And this is extremely risky for EU as a whole. Jaroslaw, would you give us some quick background on public opinion and how that influences Europe’s situation in this current moment? Please turn it off completely. I was wondering where that would come. MEAD: Well, Barbara, why don’t you begin as our sort of—the person with the closest connections to Germany? Which, of course, makes—and now we’re, again, at the output side—makes all the decision-making very slow and cumbersome, and you—I think you mostly don’t have something like swift and bold decisions when you look at Brussels. Indeed, there is a big, let’s say, contribution of Central European countries towards integration and create common energy policy. It seems to me that the easiest way for a disparate group of people to coalesce around a common purpose is to unite in defense against a common enemy. And that is the problem we face now. That’s why the domestic situation in Germany are very important. Let’s be quick so we can get some more questions. And there’s a good chance that this one could be quite messy indeed. But by going after those constituencies, what you do is you weaken any support that might be taking you in a direction of more of a federal Europe or more of a common European policy. What’s going on here? And now Angela Merkel—(inaudible)—also in its own party. C. Peter McColough Series on International Economics, To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that And we’re, in fact, the ones that pushed during the Marshall Plan era for a united states of Europe and were more religious than the pope on that score for quite some time during those years—passing congressional resolutions; stating it was the sense of the U.S. Congress that the united states of Europe be formed, et cetera. Take a number. Do not—that does not mean just turn it to vibrate. I think, when you talk about crisis and the European Union, you have just to admit that crisis is a state of being for the European Union because it started out of a crisis, on the ruins of the Second World War. ), by Steven A. Cook The question more is whether or not it moves in a little bit more of an articles-of-confederation direction, which that—you know, to use an analogy to U.S. history—versus more of a federal constitution direction. And then we had the Rome Treaties as the new—as the new basis balancing the different aspects, the different modes of governance, the supranational one and the intergovernmental one. This meeting series is presented by the Maurice R. Greenberg Center for Geoeconomic Studies. They think about current situation. As of 1 February 2020 , the population of the European Union was about 447 million people (5.8% of the world population). And when you go back now to the Maastricht Treaty in which there was this provision on the euro, you see that a lot of our problems also started there. And he even wants Britain in Europe still, but he wants it on sort of a little bit more of the margins. And I think that we may say that European Union, as a—as a great economy, now is recovering after crisis, and the people notice this. I think the latest estimates are over 25 dead, almost 100 people injured. And in Central Europe, of course, we underline that there is strong need not to overlap with NATO, and that we really would—and, as you know, majority of EU countries are also NATO members. With regard to the form of and procedures for European unification, ideas often diverged according to political and ideological affiliation. That’s very interesting. In 1946, various supporters of European federal unity, who were conscious of the need to promote the European ideal in the political world and before the general public, founded the Union of European Federalists (UEF), bringing together some 50 federalist movements. Their authors come from different intellectual backgrounds and represent differing intellectual traditions.
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